PICT1012 Strategy and Security in the Indo-Pacific Assignment Sample
Here’s the best sample of PICT1012 Strategy and Security in the Indo-Pacific Assignment.
Essay-1: The South China Sea as a flashpoint:
The South China Sea remains tense after the third anniversary of the Pacific Charter Agreement, due to two factors: Beijing’s obsession with land and reserves, its building of fake islands, its militarization to scare others away, and the US-China power struggle (He, 2018). The Chinese claimed Thitu Island and a pile of low-lying shoals off the coast of the Philippines about a month ago. Factors that make it as a flashpoint are given below:
China and the United States engage in a word war:
Besides China and the United States having a stake in keeping the South China Sea open for flight, as well as maintaining the peace and stability of the region because of their treaty responsibilities for Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, they were involved in a dispute (Liu, 2020). Acting US Defence Secretary Patrick Shanahan characterized China’s deployment of surface-to-air rockets in this area as “over the top excess”, while maintaining its activities were unnecessary. After the US Navy expanded its presence in the Taiwan Strait, China retaliated violently. China’s Defence Minister, WeiFenghe, announced at Asia’s protection climax at the Shangri-La Dialog that it would “battle no matter what” in the event of a conflict with the US (Wuthnow, 2019). In spite of Fenghe’s assertion that the two nations should avoid a conflict, he cautioned against intervening in Taiwan-China relations (Lunev and Shavlay, 2018). The Chinese military must act no matter what if anyone dares to part Taiwan from China. Any attempt to divide China will fail. Aiming to avoid the Taiwan issue will lead to disappointment.” Wei Fenghe also offered a non-literal peace offering to the US. Furthermore, Fenghe said neither of the two sides needed to engage in battle. The defence minister further said that the two sides are aware of the fact that they would suffer calamity if a contention took place between them.
Insufficiencies of ASEAN
Due to the lack of solidarity inside of ASEAN on the issue of South China Sea, the region ends up in a defenceless situation, with very little influence available to it. As an ASEAN nation, the association is well aware of the deteriorating circumstances in the South China Sea. That is mirrored in executive’s statement at the most recent meeting of the federation, “We expressed the value of keeping harmony, safety, stability, wellbeing, and the freedom to fly in and over the South China Sea and emphasized the advantages of having the South China Sea as an ocean of harmony, solidity and security” (Brattberg and Le Corre, 2019). The importance of fully and effectively implementing 2002 Declaration on Conduct of Parties in South China Sea (DOC) was underscored. It enthusiastically invited ASEAN and China to expand their cooperation and were empowered by the development of the considerable discussions within a defined course of action for a successful and meaningful Code of Conduct in the South China Sea (COC). In the Chairman’s affirmation, anxiety and exhaustion of ASEAN are evident: “In the South China Sea, it is observed a few doubts relating to land reclamations and exercises, which have destroyed trust and inevitability, expanded burdens, and may weaken harmony, security, and strength. According to international law, including 1982 UNCLOS (Aufiya, 2017).
Thus, South China Sea is one of most dangerous flashpoints in the world. It can be seen from the top focus points above why this is so.
Essay-2: India’s security interests in the Indo-Pacific Region:
India’s role as a central player in the new century is given huge significance by the Indo-Pacific region. New Delhi became a focal point in the separate strategies of countries like Australia, Japan, and the United States as Indo-Pacific became the new arena for bidding war.
There may be a number of things to come that will pose difficulties in, and emerge from, the oceanic space, such as the reappearance of the sea as a focal point for international competition, as perceived by India and Australia until recent times. The rise of China across the Indian and Pacific Oceans threatens security umbrella constructed in aftermath of the Second World War and reinforced after end of the Cold War. The rise of Indo-Pacific as another geographical space, uniting Indian and Pacific Oceans, recognises new truth of the 21st century. Australians, Japanese, and Americans like Australia consider India to be important in the Indo-Pacific (Hu, W., 2020). The dangers in India’s mainland have, basically, prevented sea security from falling within the scope of New Delhi’s fundamental advantages, concerns, and thinking whatsoever, regardless of New Delhi’s position in Indian Ocean.
Consequently, Indo-Pacific area continues to be part of India’s commitment to its international strategy, as it addresses an important change in New Delhi’s essential climate occurring exclusively between its continental lines and its maritime space. During the ongoing efforts by Canberra, Paris, Tokyo, and Washington, DC to shape a more grounded Indian role beyond Indo-Pacific, this paper takes a look at New Delhi’s considerations, difficulties, and opportunities in the region. opportunities therein. Other than this, In post-Cold War period, lack of significant contest in Indian Ocean allowed New Delhi to assume a prominent role as well as guarantee a safe and secured Indian Ocean for its essential benefits. Since China became an additional and maybe even an elective security threat, India had to reassess its international strategy decisions under Narendra Modi’s authority. China’s monetary development in conjunction with its military modernization keeps widening the key and limiting the gap with India. Due to its size and financial capabilities, China can be a major player in South Asia and the Indian Ocean (Pitakdumrongkit, 2019). However, Beijing was able to advance in India’s neighbouring area since New Delhi had established a favourable environment to do so. With new international challenges in its area of global significance, the Indo-Pacific region – as promoted by Australia, the U.S., and Japan – has presented a surprising opportunity for India to play a more prominent role.
It has a stake in integrity of Indo-Pacific region, which stretches across he western Pacific and Indian Ocean (Hu and Meng, 2020). Besides having financial and segment dynamism, the area is noted for its ocean paths for global trade and energy flows. This exposition addressed India’s financial, political, and security commitment in the Indo-Pacific region and clarified how India can accomplish its goals against the stronghold of China’s drive for dominance.
Essay 3: Contemporary security threats that Australia faces in the Indo-Pacific
Australia is an essential part of Asia-Pacific region from a geological perspective. A location can be planned and analysed. Moreover, the geographic region of the Asia-Pacific is defined by the region of countries located on or near the Pacific Ocean. This program analyses the geographic and financial characteristics of countries in Asia Pacific. Additionally, it discusses the looming threat of environmental change for many of its low-lying island countries.
As Australia is close to and thrives relative to so many countries around here, it can contribute significantly regarding help, international strategy, exchange, migration, and the travel industry. Australia’s public interest calls for close ties with the Government in this region, which is characterized by political insecurity. In particular, this program explains the role that Australia has in assistance, exchange, international strategy, movements, and the travel industry in the Asia-Pacific region (Atanassova-Cornelis, 2020). The program also examines Australia’s close relationship with New Zealand.
Moreover, Australasia is giving an expanded focus to the South Pacific sub-district. As Joanne Wallis argues in Essential Competition and the Pacific Islands, reports have indicated that Australia, France, New Zealand, the UK, and the US are changing their commitment to the area for fear that the presence of various forces is harming their efforts. It is a significant test for those forces that Pacific Island states’ security concerns do not really coordinate. Rather than being threatened by state-driven security threats, the Pacific Island states are inclined to emphasize human security issues, with a particular focus on the need to “assemble strength in the face of debacles and environmental change” in the 2018 Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) Boe Declaration.
Developing a vital conflict itself presents significant challenges, not the least of which is the danger that it will induce rifts among Pacific Island states, with some siding with China and others with conventional ally countries controlled by the United States. Similarly, key rivalry could worsen divisions within Pacific Island states by undermining their homegrown legislative issues and furling defilement, obstructing their ability to acquire development funding, and making unfair obligations (Varghese, 2019). Pacific Island states should preserve their independence, keep their inclinations in check, and avoid falling into geostrategic rivalries, Wallis writes. All accomplice states must understand the Pacific Island expresses’ ‘own needs and discernments’: the essential champions will be ‘those who work with the Pacific Island states, not those who force them to do things.
Other than this, A major component of stabilizing China’s influence is the Asia-Pacific region, including Australia, Japan and South Korea. Anyhow, their shared concern with China’s rise doesn’t consequently translate into support for NATO’s entry into this region: there is concern in the field about the possible strains that may result from marking the increasing commitment of Alliance individuals to the Asia-Pacific region under the NATO banner. Alliance protection from the results of China’s ascent has always been NATO’s main concern; however, with NATO’s redoing of its sea procedure, the Alliance may also be able to foster more commitment with Beijing (Tien and Huy, 2021). Finally, NATO should take China more seriously since it is playing a critical worldwide security role and encroaching on NATO citizens’ inclinations: NATO can’t confine its interests to the Euro-Atlantic area.
Essay 4: Increasing competition between the great powers in Indo-Pacific:
There is increasing competition between China and India in Indian Ocean Region (IOR), a key geostrategic hub that connects energy-rich Middle Eastern countries to Asia’s financial hub (Damayanti, 2019). This dispute threatens the interests of the United States. There has been an increasing focus on the Indo-Pacific region in US economic and security policies. “The Indo-Pacific region is witnessing an international contest between free and oppressive visions of world policy,” the Trump administration’s national security strategy states.
It is the Chinese presence and framework projects in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Burma (Myanmar), and Djibouti, as well as United States holdings in those countries, which are illuminating U.S. legislators as they form military capability and procedures. In addition to deciding asset levels for the Navy, Marines, Air Force, and Army, Congress will oversee an Administration effort to develop a local process, provide unfamiliar assistance, and maintain communications and keep up with its vital and conciliatory relationships with its territorial and partner countries (Kaura, 2019). Moreover, there is generally a rift between China and India thanks to their respective economic rises, their rapid expansion into seaborne exchange, and their reliance on imported energy, much of which travels through the Indian Ocean. It is clear that there is another essential spotlight on the sea and littoral regions that lie on the ocean channels that are an interface between the energy-rich Persian Gulf and the energy-subordinate economies of Asia.
In my opinion, any interruption in this inventory would be detrimental to the economy of the United States and the rest of the world (Wei, 2020). The high dependence of China on seaborne exchange and imported energy, and the inherent weakness that this expose, are marked as China’s “Malacca quandary” after the Strait of Malacca, where a large portion of China’s trade and energy streams flow. Moreover, as a major part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China is trying to mitigate its fundamental weakness by changing exchange and energy routes while at the same time strengthening its political influence through expanded exchange and framework projects. China’s BRI in South and Central Asia and IOR, when coupled with China’s aggressive conduct in East China Sea and South China Sea, adds to the growing competition between India and China. Previously, this controversy was primarily cantered in the Himalayan region, where the two countries fought a line battle in 1962. However, it is now gradually moving towards the sea. There are those in India who feel surrounded by China’s moves in the region, while there are others in China who feel compromised by the country’s limited ability to get around the ocean (Tertia and Perwita, 2018). Protecting the nation’s security and public interests may depend on an understanding and a viable response to this emerging dynamic.
Other than this, several IOR states appear to be building up their guard capacities and associations to counter China’s rising power, while others are embracing more accommodative systems with China or are doing a mix of both. Additionally, some believe that India has a chance to modify its impact in the region. Asian states’ support techniques include expanding intra-Asian ties as well as strengthening their ties with the United States (Cooper and Shearer, 2017). It might provide a chance for improved security coordinated effort, especially among countries with similar vote-based systems as the United States, India, Australia, and Japan.
Although the forces of patriotism and contention might hone their competition, the split exchange interests and interdependencies among China and India, all the more so than those of local monetary consolidation in Asia, can potentially do the same. Furthermore, the United States’ essence as an adjusting force can contribute to provincial soundness.
References
Atanassova-Cornelis, E., (2020). Alignment cooperation and regional security architecture in the Indo-Pacific. The International Spectator, 55(1), pp.18-33.
Aufiya, M.A., (2017). Indonesia’s global maritime fulcrum: Contribution in the Indo-Pacific region. Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS), 6(2), pp.143-158.
Brattberg, E. and Le Corre, P., (2019). The Case for Transatlantic Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Cooper, Z. and Shearer, A., (2017). Thinking clearly about China’s layered Indo-Pacific strategy. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 73(5), pp.305-311.
Damayanti, A., (2019). Indo-Pacific Maritime Cooperation: ASEAN Mechanisms on Security Towards Global Maritime Governance. Global Strategis, 13(1), pp.1-44.
He, K., (2018). Three faces of the Indo-Pacific: Understanding the “Indo-Pacific” from an IR theory perspective. East Asia, 35(2), pp.149-161.
Hu, W. and Meng, W., (2020). The US Indo-Pacific Strategy and China’s Response. China Review, 20(3), pp.143-176.
Hu, W., (2020). The United States, China, and the Indo-Pacific Strategy. China Review, 20(3), pp.127-142.
Kaura, V., (2019). Incorporating Indo-Pacific and the Quadrilateral into India’s strategic outlook. Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India, 15(2), pp.78-102.
Liu, F., (2020). The recalibration of Chinese assertiveness: China’s responses to the Indo-Pacific challenge. International Affairs, 96(1), pp.9-27.
Lunev, S. and Shavlay, E., (2018). Russia and India in the Indo‐Pacific. Asian Politics & Policy, 10(4), pp.713-731.
Pitakdumrongkit, K.K., (2019). The impact of the Trump Administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy on regional economic governance. Honolulu, HI: East-West Center.
Tertia, J. and Perwita, A.A.B., (2018). Maritime Security in Indo-Pacific: Issues, Challenges, and Prospects. Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional, 14(1), pp.77-95.
Tien, T.N. and Huy, D.T.N., (2021). India Society in” Free and Open Indo-Pacific” Context: Vision and Policy. Ilkogretim Online, 20(4).
Varghese, P., (2019). The Indo-Pacific and Its Strategic Challenges. ISEAS Publishing.
Wei, L., (2020). Developmental peace in East Asia and its implications for the Indo-Pacific. International Affairs, 96(1), pp.189-209.
Wuthnow, J., (2019). Contested strategies: China, the United States, and the Indo-Pacific security dilemma. China International Strategy Review, 1(1), pp.99-110.
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