BE267 International Business Environment Coursework
Populism is frequently discussed in terms of globalisation, which is a topic that comes up frequently. Because of international economic integration, particularly in its post-1990s variant (which might be better referred to as hyperglobalization), it appears that domestic disintegration has occurred in many countries, widening the gap between those who benefit from global competition and those who suffer as a result of the consequences.
When seen through the lens of economic theory, the fact that this has occurred is not very noteworthy. Historically, it has been demonstrated that conventional trade theories are remarkably unambiguous when it comes to the significant redistributive repercussions of free trade and an open economy in general. Microeconomics has been grappling with the instability of the global financial markets for a long time, and it continues to do so. Additionally, the history of economic philosophy is instructive in this aspect as well. (STUPARU,,2017)
At times in the past, when globalisation has reached its zenith, it has been accompanied by populist revolutions that have called into question the established quo.
The fact that many questions have been answered does not diminish the fact that there are still many more that need to be answered. Is it possible to identify the strategies by which globalisation promotes populism, as well as the mechanisms by which it accomplishes this? A fully developed model of political economics must be constructed from the ground up in order to provide an answer to this question.
Second, globalisation is not restricted to a single phenomenon: we can distinguish between international trade, international finance, and international labour flows, to name a few examples. Third, globalisation is not limited to a single phenomenon. Third, globalisation is not confined to a particular phenomenon or set of phenomena. What is the method through which each of these characteristics of globalisation makes its way through the political system? What is the procedure for accomplishing this goal?
Final thoughts: It is important to remember that globalisation is not the only economic shock that has the potential to have redistributive consequences or to cause economic anxiety—and it is unlikely to be the most consequential. If globalisation has a disproportionate impact on politics in comparison to other causes such as technical advancement or normal business cycles, what is the source of this seeming disproportionate impact? (Zachara,,2017)
Last but not least, it appears that right-wing feeling has dominated the populist response to the financial crisis, at least for the time being, and that this will continue. As opposed to members of the establishment, why have nativist and ethnonationalist populists seized the opportunity to take advantage of the current position in which they find themselves. In order to answer the fifth question, we must first evaluate how culture (Olivieri,,2017), values, and identities function in contemporary society and how they connect to the topic under review before moving on to the next question.
It is possible that the rise of populism was caused by a cultural rift between social conservativism and social liberalism, between traditionalists and modernists, between nationalists and global citizens, between ethnically homogeneous ruling groups and various types of outsider minorities, rather than by economic factors.
It has long been a source of contention among participants in populism discussions whether the focus should be placed on economics or culture. Throughout this study, we demonstrate that the literature on the economic reasons for populism, and in particular globalisation, is extensive and well-developed, as evidenced by the research mentioned in this review as well as the research that has been included in this review, both of which are extensive and well-developed in their own right.
A number of prominent academics, including Sides et al. (2018), Norris & Inglehart (2019), and Margalit (2019), among others, have lent their support to the culture thesis by presenting compelling reasons in its favour. Racism, in particular, according to the theory, is underrepresented in American society as a whole, and this is especially true in the case of the United States of America, where it is underrepresented. Anti-Muslim and anti-African sentiments, on the other hand, are widespread on the European continent, and they have long served as the foundation of support for far-right organisations such as the National Front of France, which has a presence in the country.
As a result of this, empirical research on the political repercussions of immigration in general has not examined these numerous pathways of migration with the attention and independence that it should have done. There is a reduced-form relationship between immigrant/refugee presence in the United States and support for populist political parties, according to the findings provided.
According to Rosteck(2019), increased immigration was related with the election of more conservative legislators in the United States, as well as a decline in support for the Democratic Party (which was more pro-immigration at the time). He discovered that there is little evidence to imply that immigration has a negative impact on the labour market in the United States, according to his results.
After doing research, it was determined that immigrants had greater employment rates, even in occupations where they were competing with more experienced workers. Also revealed was that immigration was connected with increased occupational upgrading (which served as a proxy for salary increases) as well as increased wage rises in general, irrespective of the country of origin of the immigrants (Hanafi,,2021).
As Rosteck (2019)argues, the fact that the United States is currently experiencing a period of rapid economic expansion, during which labour shortages are a significant restraint on economic activity, may have played a role in the positive employment benefits that have been reported. Furthermore, it appears that political opposition was mostly focused at Catholics and Jews, despite the fact that their economic influence would have been no different from that of immigration from Protestant countries in terms of economic impact. (Sanahuja,,20200
It is true that populist movements have sprung up around social media platforms, and that these channels are used by these movements to express their wrath and mobilise their supporters. A technological piece of equipment is available to each and every one of us.
The ability to create one’s own platform from which to communicate one’s own opinions, as well as the ability to develop one’s own identity by rejecting or accepting what has already been created, we might create a barrier between ourselves and others (Hugo,,2020). It can be found on social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter, among other places. The use of social media does not in any way stimulate the consumption of cigarettes in this manner. (Ishkanian,,2018)
Consider how, when we go beyond their most visible expressions, globalisation and nationalism aren’t always diametrically opposed philosophies.
In general, nations have favoured intra-national commerce, investment, and people mobility, with national governments believing that more integration is in their economic interests. Donald Trump’s ascension has not been accompanied by a decline. Because no environmental concerns have been raised, Brexit has had no influence on US trade with the rest of the world.
While nomic protectionism is a modest part of the case for leaving the EU, it is a significant part of the case for staying in. The European Union has argued that the UK has the freedom to negotiate its own free trade deals with other nations. The United States, India, and China are among the countries involved. The vast majority of individuals agree.
Right-populist parties in Europe push for the European Union’s enlargement rather than its collapse. A considerable amount of evidence suggests they want increasing Europe-wide limitations on migration from other parts of the world, particularly Africa and the Middle East, and that they have had an impact on EU migration policy in this direction.
According to Norris and Ingelhart (2019), tying the emergence of populism to calls for alternative economic policies and practises has difficulties.
The fact that this tendency is shared by left-populist movements is not the only distinguishing feature. Further When researching the two concepts, it will be necessary to investigate the relationship between populism and globalisation. Feminism, environmentalism, LGBT rights, human rights, and the rights of racial, ethnic, and religious groups are all mentioned as examples of national identities. National identities can also encompass identities or ideals that are not exclusively linked with a country, such as race, ethnicity, or religion.
Two of the most essential study issues are the extent to which nationalist movements have succeeded, as well as the extent to which they have failed. As a result, they are unable to encourage logical and informed discourse because they infuse and amplify an illogical public atmosphere in which ‘chaotic enterprises are imprisoned in everyday staging where ethos, pathos, and logos are all muddled together,’ according to the author (Papacharissi, 2015: 26).
In these online environments, people’s actions are motivated by a desire to be perceived as more attractive than they actually are in real life. While common feelings can be a source of contention in the typical Habermasian public space, they are not uncommon in other cultures as a source of contention. A primary objective of the organisation is to provide a place for informed public debate and discussion. No matter how true the statement is,( Lingard,,2021)
Despite the fact that the mainstream media has been criticised for failing to recognise this, it is crucial to mention that it does exist. We can interact with others who already believe what we believe using this service, which is useful in an isolated setting (Sunstein, 2008).
Consequently, intellectual persuasion is weakened, and so-called “emotional persuasion” replaces it as the dominant mode of persuasion, as illustrated in the chart below. Despite the fact that the beneficiaries are regular individuals, they are nevertheless the recipients of exceptional gifts. There are broadcast stations for what appear to be basic communications, but which heavily rely on the use of political jargon to get their message over to their audience. (Rewizorski,,2021)
The development of channels that compete with those managed by the mainstream media, such as those owned by CNN and MSNBC, is the cornerstone of their strategy. This chapter also looks at the emergence of “post-truth” as a conceptual framework that provides new weight to stories as transmitters of political values that are at odds with established societal norms.
A huge role was played by populist online narratives during the EU Referendum in 2016, which ended in the Brexit decision. People’s beliefs tended to be reinforced by one another on social media, according to the “echo chamber effect.” Consequently, the “waves” of immigrants who were ready to enter the country would be redirected in a way similar to that of Canute.
According to the outcome of the EU vote (https://www.the-outcome-of-the-eu-referendum/), not only did Brexit fail to deliver, but it also failed to deliver on its promises as stated in the referendum itself. Porters were more effective at conveying a strong and emotional message, but they were also more difficult to grasp than other types of communication. Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, to mention a few popular social media platforms, are examples of excellent marketing tools. A comma was accidentally inserted into the sentence.
When other aspects are considered, such as the more plain and concise messaging provided by the, the results are more favourable. this also resulted in an increase in the number of Leave supporters at the grass-roots level, which ultimately convinced many indecisive voters to support the Remain campaign. Among some political observers, Hilary Clinton’s nomination for President has been hailed as a demonstration of political will on her part. The practise of leading through the use of social media platforms is becoming more and more common in today’s world.
Flew, T. and Iosifidis, P., ORCID: 0000-0002-2096-219X (2019). Populism, globalisation and social media. International Communication Gazette, doi, 10, p.1748048519880721.
Hanafi, S., 2021. Francois Gauthier, Religion, Modernity, Globalisation: Nation-State to Market.
Hugo, R.G., 2020. The rise of nationalism in the United Kingdom and its impact on globalisation: a critical analysis (Doctoral dissertation, North-West University (South Africa)).
Ishkanian, A., 2018. The Brexit vote was driven by the losers of globalisation, but that’s hardly the whole story. LSE Brexit.
Lingard, B., 2021. Globalisation and education: Theorising and researching changing imbrications in education policy. Globalisation and education, pp.1-27.
Olivieri, T., 2017. Lost Legitimacy in Twenty-first Century Europe: Why Democracy Must Reinvent Itself in the Era of Globalisation. TLI Think.
Raza, W., 2018. Globalisation, inequality and the future of democracy. EuroMemo Group.
Rewizorski, M., 2021. Backlash Against Globalisation and the Shadow of Phobos. Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, 14(1), pp.123-141.
Rosteck, Y., 2019. How Globalisation and Mediatisation Challenge Democracy. vdf Hochschulverlag AG.
Sanahuja, J.A. and López Burian, C., 2020. The new Latin American neo-patriotic far-right: reactionary internationalism and its challenge to the international liberal order. Conjuntura Austral, 11(55), pp.22-34.
STUPARU, L.V., 2017. GLOBALISATION AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF POPULISM IN EUROPE. The Perfect Storm of the European Crisis, p.82.
Zachara, M., 2017. The Transatlantic Globalisation Dilemma: How to Retain Power, While Contesting the Principles?. Stosunki Międzynarodowe, 53(1), pp.185-201.
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